Scandals are always occurring within the United States government, some receive more attention than others. Naturally, the first two scandals that most Americans immediately remember are the Watergate scandal and the infamous Clinton/Monica Lewinsky affair, both impeachable misconducts. Surprisingly, many Americans fail to acknowledge the Iran-Contra affair, another presidential scandal which involved President Ronald Reagan’s administration. The Watergate and Iran-Contra scandals were very different in nature; however, they do share similarities because both scandals were uncovered by the press, involved top officials, and resulted in presidential pardons.
The Watergate scandal took place in June 1972, in Washington, D.C., when a suspicious security guard in the Watergate building called the police after he realized that some door locks on the premises were being taped, preventing them from latching. Five men who were eventually linked to President Richard Nixon and his administration were caught in the Democratic National Committee headquarters, along with two others that were apprehended outside of the building. It was a poor attempt to uncover inside information of the Democratic Committee by copying important documents and tapping phones.
On the contrary, the Iran-Contra affair took place in 1985, when top Reagan officials felt encouraged to obtain “American hostages held in Lebanon by wooing Iran with the sale, through Israel, of weapons. In return for the weapons, Iran would use its influence to gain the release of hostages, while the money paid for the arms would be sent to a Swiss bank account that could be used by the Contras,” Nicaraguan rebels (Berkin, 813). Congress had specifically banned aid to the rebels through the Boland Amendment; therefore, aiding the Contras was in complete violation of that amendment. Top Reagan officials “secretly sold eighteen [anti-aircraft] Hawk missiles to the Ayatollah Khomeini’s Iran” (Conlin, 820). In addition, Iran was also provided with thousands of anti-tank TOW missiles during the affair (New World Encyclopedia, 2009).
Back to the 1970s, right after the Watergate burglary occurred; most Americans doubted that Nixon was involved even though three of the suspects were found to be on the payroll of Nixon’s reelection committee (CREEP). However, two Washington Post journalists, Robert Woodward and Carl Bernstein had a hunch that the president was involved. With help from an anonymous “disgruntled FBI executive” informant, code named “Deep Throat,” they managed to expose the secrets of “Nixon’s involvement in the cover-up” (Conlin 807).
Similarly, the Iran-Contra affair unfolded when “the Lebanese magazine Ash-Shiraa exposed the arrangement on November 3, 1986,” thanks to Mehdi Hashemi, an Iranian radical who became aware of the operation (New World Encyclopedia, 2009). Consequently, the Iranian government publically confirmed the weapons-for-hostages deal, stunning Americans, especially Congress because the operation was completely unauthorized. “President Reagan admitted full knowledge of the arms sales, but claimed that he had played no role in its operation and had no idea what happened to the money” (Parenti, 133). Some found his statement strange because Reagan always encouraged support of the Contras, which Congress denied him with the intent to avoid another tragic war like Vietnam.
In the 1970s, after Woodward and Bernstein shed light on Nixon’s involvement in Watergate, more incriminating evidence surfaced, including conversations that were tape-reordered in the Oval Office which directly associated him with the cover-up. Nixon faced impeachment, so he resigned on national television in August, 1974. Other top officials who were involved in the scandal include Domestic Council Chief John Ehrlichman, former White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman, and former Attorney General John Mitchell, who was Nixon’s campaign director at the time. All three officials were convicted of conspiracy and obstruction of justice. Mitchell and Ehrlichman were also found guilty of perjury. Disappointingly, all three top officials served less than two years in prison (New York Times, 1992).
In comparison, the top Reagan administrators that were involved in the Iran-Contra affair were National Security Advisor John Poindexter, Defense Secretary Casper Weinberger, former CIA Chief William Casey, and Marine Lt. Colonel Oliver North, among others. As the operation became public, Poindexter resigned and Oliver North was fired. North was accused of being the main supporter. Unfortunately, Casey became ill and died before the trials. Poindexter and Weinberger were convicted of several crimes; however, both convictions were overturned. North, the main supporter, was also convicted, but got off because of a technicality (New World Encyclopedia, 2009).
Likewise, Nixon’s Oval Office tapes proved his involvement in the Watergate cover-up, among other things, but he never served a day in jail because “his successor, Gerald Ford, promptly pardoned Nixon for all crimes related to Watergate...and [he] retired on his presidential pension” (Parenti, 133). Ford validated Nixon’s pardon by claiming it was an attempt to put the Watergate scandal to rest for the sake of the country.
Similarly, even though Reagan admitted to knowing that his “administration had been selling millions of dollars worth of arms to Iran [to obtain hostages], a country it repeatedly accused of supporting terrorism,’’ he never faced impeachment or any jail time (Parenti, 133). Also, the top officials that were convicted of illegally filtering money to the Contras never spent a day in jail. Before some faced trial, such was Weinberger, or while others were waiting for their sentencing, President George H.W. Bush pardoned every official involved with the affair on Christmas Eve 1992, conveniently after he was defeated for his second term (New York Times, 1992).
The Watergate and Iran-Contra scandals are just slight examples of the injustices that take place in the United States government. That is why it is important to have freedom of press, whether we like it or not, because it is why some of these illegal activities are finely discovered. These scandals prove that wealthy moneyed-class Americans hardly face any consequences for their illegal actions, while a poor person of color would probably face years in prison for such crimes as burglary or providing money and arms to terrorists.
Works Cited
"Iran-Contra Affair." New World Encyclopedia. 14 Jan 2009, 16:39 UTC. 27 Apr 2013 <http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/p/index.php?title=Iran-Contra_Affair&oldid=902099>.
Berkin, Carol, et al. Making America: A History of the United States. 6th ed. Vol.2. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2012. 2 Vols.
Conlin, Joseph R. The American Past: A Survey of American History. 9th ed. Vol. 1. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2010. 2 Vols.
DeWitt, Karen. “Watergate, Then and Now; Who Was Who in the Cover-up and Uncovering of Watergate.” New York Times. 15 Jun. 1992. 28 Apr. 2013. <http://www.nytimes.com/1992/06/15/us/watergate-then-and-now-who-was-who-in-the-cover-up-and-uncovering-of-watergate.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm>.
Johnston, David. “Bush Pardons 6 in Iran Affair, Aborting a Weinberger Trial; Prosecutor Assails ‘cover up.’” New York Times. 24. Dec. 1992. 26. Apr. 2013<http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/big/1224.html#article>.
Parenti, Michael. Democracy for the Few. 9th ed. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. 2011.
The Watergate scandal took place in June 1972, in Washington, D.C., when a suspicious security guard in the Watergate building called the police after he realized that some door locks on the premises were being taped, preventing them from latching. Five men who were eventually linked to President Richard Nixon and his administration were caught in the Democratic National Committee headquarters, along with two others that were apprehended outside of the building. It was a poor attempt to uncover inside information of the Democratic Committee by copying important documents and tapping phones.
On the contrary, the Iran-Contra affair took place in 1985, when top Reagan officials felt encouraged to obtain “American hostages held in Lebanon by wooing Iran with the sale, through Israel, of weapons. In return for the weapons, Iran would use its influence to gain the release of hostages, while the money paid for the arms would be sent to a Swiss bank account that could be used by the Contras,” Nicaraguan rebels (Berkin, 813). Congress had specifically banned aid to the rebels through the Boland Amendment; therefore, aiding the Contras was in complete violation of that amendment. Top Reagan officials “secretly sold eighteen [anti-aircraft] Hawk missiles to the Ayatollah Khomeini’s Iran” (Conlin, 820). In addition, Iran was also provided with thousands of anti-tank TOW missiles during the affair (New World Encyclopedia, 2009).
Back to the 1970s, right after the Watergate burglary occurred; most Americans doubted that Nixon was involved even though three of the suspects were found to be on the payroll of Nixon’s reelection committee (CREEP). However, two Washington Post journalists, Robert Woodward and Carl Bernstein had a hunch that the president was involved. With help from an anonymous “disgruntled FBI executive” informant, code named “Deep Throat,” they managed to expose the secrets of “Nixon’s involvement in the cover-up” (Conlin 807).
Similarly, the Iran-Contra affair unfolded when “the Lebanese magazine Ash-Shiraa exposed the arrangement on November 3, 1986,” thanks to Mehdi Hashemi, an Iranian radical who became aware of the operation (New World Encyclopedia, 2009). Consequently, the Iranian government publically confirmed the weapons-for-hostages deal, stunning Americans, especially Congress because the operation was completely unauthorized. “President Reagan admitted full knowledge of the arms sales, but claimed that he had played no role in its operation and had no idea what happened to the money” (Parenti, 133). Some found his statement strange because Reagan always encouraged support of the Contras, which Congress denied him with the intent to avoid another tragic war like Vietnam.
In the 1970s, after Woodward and Bernstein shed light on Nixon’s involvement in Watergate, more incriminating evidence surfaced, including conversations that were tape-reordered in the Oval Office which directly associated him with the cover-up. Nixon faced impeachment, so he resigned on national television in August, 1974. Other top officials who were involved in the scandal include Domestic Council Chief John Ehrlichman, former White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman, and former Attorney General John Mitchell, who was Nixon’s campaign director at the time. All three officials were convicted of conspiracy and obstruction of justice. Mitchell and Ehrlichman were also found guilty of perjury. Disappointingly, all three top officials served less than two years in prison (New York Times, 1992).
In comparison, the top Reagan administrators that were involved in the Iran-Contra affair were National Security Advisor John Poindexter, Defense Secretary Casper Weinberger, former CIA Chief William Casey, and Marine Lt. Colonel Oliver North, among others. As the operation became public, Poindexter resigned and Oliver North was fired. North was accused of being the main supporter. Unfortunately, Casey became ill and died before the trials. Poindexter and Weinberger were convicted of several crimes; however, both convictions were overturned. North, the main supporter, was also convicted, but got off because of a technicality (New World Encyclopedia, 2009).
Likewise, Nixon’s Oval Office tapes proved his involvement in the Watergate cover-up, among other things, but he never served a day in jail because “his successor, Gerald Ford, promptly pardoned Nixon for all crimes related to Watergate...and [he] retired on his presidential pension” (Parenti, 133). Ford validated Nixon’s pardon by claiming it was an attempt to put the Watergate scandal to rest for the sake of the country.
Similarly, even though Reagan admitted to knowing that his “administration had been selling millions of dollars worth of arms to Iran [to obtain hostages], a country it repeatedly accused of supporting terrorism,’’ he never faced impeachment or any jail time (Parenti, 133). Also, the top officials that were convicted of illegally filtering money to the Contras never spent a day in jail. Before some faced trial, such was Weinberger, or while others were waiting for their sentencing, President George H.W. Bush pardoned every official involved with the affair on Christmas Eve 1992, conveniently after he was defeated for his second term (New York Times, 1992).
The Watergate and Iran-Contra scandals are just slight examples of the injustices that take place in the United States government. That is why it is important to have freedom of press, whether we like it or not, because it is why some of these illegal activities are finely discovered. These scandals prove that wealthy moneyed-class Americans hardly face any consequences for their illegal actions, while a poor person of color would probably face years in prison for such crimes as burglary or providing money and arms to terrorists.
Works Cited
"Iran-Contra Affair." New World Encyclopedia. 14 Jan 2009, 16:39 UTC. 27 Apr 2013 <http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/p/index.php?title=Iran-Contra_Affair&oldid=902099>.
Berkin, Carol, et al. Making America: A History of the United States. 6th ed. Vol.2. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2012. 2 Vols.
Conlin, Joseph R. The American Past: A Survey of American History. 9th ed. Vol. 1. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2010. 2 Vols.
DeWitt, Karen. “Watergate, Then and Now; Who Was Who in the Cover-up and Uncovering of Watergate.” New York Times. 15 Jun. 1992. 28 Apr. 2013. <http://www.nytimes.com/1992/06/15/us/watergate-then-and-now-who-was-who-in-the-cover-up-and-uncovering-of-watergate.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm>.
Johnston, David. “Bush Pardons 6 in Iran Affair, Aborting a Weinberger Trial; Prosecutor Assails ‘cover up.’” New York Times. 24. Dec. 1992. 26. Apr. 2013<http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/big/1224.html#article>.
Parenti, Michael. Democracy for the Few. 9th ed. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. 2011.